THE  PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR 
£L  PASO;, TEXAS 

Schuller  Collect 


BY 


\.  WALTER  FEWKES, 


(From  the  American  Anthropologist  (N.  s.),  Vol.  4,  No.  i,  January-March,  1902) 


NEW  YORK 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
1902 


DEPAQTMEIMTof  MIDDLE  AMERICAN  WSEARCI 
TOE  TUANE  UNDVEKSOIYof  LOUOSOANA 
NEW 


THE  PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO, 

TEXAS 

BY  J.   WALTER  FEWKES  nt 

. 

. 

On  a  map  of   the  "  Reino  de  la  Nueua  Mexico,"   made  by 
Father  Menchero  about   1747,'  five  pueblos  are  figured  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  below  the  site  of  the  present  city 
of  El  Paso,  Texas.     One  of  these,  called  in  the  legend,  Presidio 
del  Paso,  is  situated  where  Juarez,  in  Chihuahua,  now  stands,  just 
opposite  El  Paso.     The  other  four  are  designated  on  this  map  as 
Mision  d  Sn  Lorenzo,  Mision  d  Cenecu,  Mision  d  la  Isleta,  and 
Mision  del  Socorro.     Each  is  indicated  by  a  picture  of  a  church 
building,  with  surrounding  lines  representing  irrigation  canals,  as 
the  legend  "riego  de  las  misiones  "  states.     All  of  these  lie  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river,  or  in  what  is  now  the  state  of  Chihuahua, 
Mexico.     It  is  known  from  historical  sources  that  Indians  speak 
ing  at  least  four  different  dialects,  and  probably  comprising  three 
distinct  stocks,  inhabited  these  five  towns.     The  Mansos  lived  in 
El  Paso,  the  Suma  in  San  Lorenzo,  the  Tiwa  in  Ysleta,  and  the 
Piros  in  Senecu   and  Socorro;  there  were  also  other  Indians  — 
Tano,  Tewa,  and  Jemez  —  scattered  through  some  of  these  set 
tlements.     All  the  above-mentioned  villages  had  been  founded  in 
historic  times,  or  since  Oflate  first  forded  the  Rio  Grande  at  the 
Pass  of  the  North  in  1598.     From  documentary  sources  we  learn 
that  Tiwa  and  Piros  were  colonized  in  this  region  at  the  end  of 
the    seventeenth    century,    having    come    down    the    river    with 

1  A  copy  of  this  map  was  published  in  1892  by  the  Kartographisches  Institut  of 
•lin.     Although  not  dated,  the  legend  reads  that  it  was  prepared  during  the  admin 
istration    of   Don    Juan   Francisco  Guemes  y  Orcasitas,   who   was  governor  of    New 
Mexico  during  1747. 


.  5»  ^  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

;  Otermin  in  1680,  and  that  the  Mansos  and  Suma  were  settled  in 
pueblos  near  the  ford  almost  a  century  before. 

During  an  exploration  of  certain  ruins  in  central  New  Mexico 
in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1901,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  the  author  studied  the  ancient 
habitations  of  the  Piros  near  Socorro  and  Magdalena.1  At  the 
close  of  these  studies  he  visited  Senecu,  Mexico,  and  Socorro, 
Texas,  where  the  survivors  now  live,  in  order  to  gather  any  cur 
rent  tradil^bns  concerning  them  that  might  be  found  to  survive. 
He  had  also'  in  mind  the  forming  of  an  acquaintance  with  the 
remnants  of  the  Tiwa  whose  ancestors  lived  in  New  Mexico 
about  the  northern  boundary  of  the  old  Piros  range.  The  present 
article  considers  especially  the  Tiwa  of  Ysleta  and  the  Piros  of 
Senecu  and  Socorro. 

These  Indians  have  practically  become  "  Mexicanized,"  and 
survivals  of  their  old  pueblo  life  which  still  remain,  such  as  their 
dances  before  the  church,  have  long  lost  the  meaning  which  they 
once  had  or  that  which  similar  dances  still  have  in  the  pueblos 
higher  up  the  Rio  Grande.  The  southern  Tiwa  and  Piros  are 
good  Roman  Catholics,  and  their  old  dances  are  still  kept  up  not 
from  a.  lingering  belief  of  the  Indians  in  their  old  religion,  as  is 
the  case  with  certain  pueblos  in  which  Christianity  is  merely  a 
superficial  gloss  over  aboriginal  beliefs,  but  as  survivals  which 
have  been  worn  down  into  secular  customs.  They  cannot  give 
an  intelligible  explanation  of  the  meaning  of  these  dances,  be 
cause  they  do  not  know  their  significance.  Interest  in  them  on 
the  part  of  the  ethnologist  is  purely  as  folklore,  for  they  represent 
a  stage  through  which  the  dances  of  the  Pueblos  ultimately 
go  when  the  complexion  of  the  population  changes  from  Indian 
to  Mexican.  Ysleta  is  an  instructive  example  of  a  Pueblo  Indian 
settlement  which  has  become  a  Mexican  town,  the  number  of 
Americans  settled  there  not  being  large  enough  to  affect  ma- 

1  A  special  account  of  the  ruins  near  this  town,  especially  those  of  the  "  pueblo  " 
visited  by  Vargas  in  1692,  is  in  preparation. 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  S9 

terially  the  population.     It  is  therefore  instructive  to  study  a. 
pueblo  in  this  stage  of  transformation. 

The  notes  which  serve  as  the  basis  of  this  article  were  col 
lected  on  a  brief  visit  to  El  Paso,  in  October,  1901.  While  the 
author  lays  no  claim  to  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  survivors  of 
the  Pueblos,  he  would  call  attention  to  a  field  which  offers  much 
to  the  ethnologist,  folklorist,  and  archeologist.  The  object  of  the 
article  in  brief,  then,  is  to  set  forth,  in  a  general  way,  a  few  facts 
regarding  the  Tiwa  of  Ysleta  and  the  Piros  of  Senecu.  Since 
the  former  are  more  numerous  and  their  customs  less  changed, 
he  will  begin  with  them. 

YSLETA 

The  pueblo  of  Ysleta,  Texas,  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  about  fourteen  miles  below  El  Paso,  is  a  small  vil 
lage  with  a  mixed  population  of  Indians,  Mexicans,  and  Ameri 
cans.  The  Indian  name  of  the  village  is  Chiawipia,1  or  practically 
the  same  as  that  of  the  pueblo  of  Isleta  in  New  Mexico,  a  name 
which  the  Hopi  also  give  to  the  latter  village,  in  which,  they  say, 
are  settled  certain  Tiwa  whose  ancestors  once  lived  in  their  terri 
tory.  The  name  "  Ysleta  "  would  indicate  its  site  on  an  island, 
and  the  fact  that  on  Menchero's  map  it  is  placed  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  while  its  present  site  is  on  the  left,  may 
be  harmonized  by  supposing  that  the  course  of  the  river  has 
changed  since  the  map  was  made. 

The  most  striking  building  in  Ysleta  is  the  church,  dedicated 
to  Nuestra  Sefiora  del  Carmen,  the  beautiful  bell-tower  of  which 
can  be  seen  for  several  miles. 

Several  references  to  the  settlement  and  early  history  of 
Ysleta  may  be  found  by  consulting  the  valuable  contributions 
of  Bancroft  and  Bandelier.  The  author  has  taken  the  liberty  of 
quoting  a  few  lines  from  the  former  to  account  for  the  existence 


1  Or  Chipiya.     Note  the  similarity  of  this  term  with  Cipia,  an  historic  name  of 
former  pueblo  dwellers  along  the  Little  Colorado. 


d6o  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

t>f  Tiwa  and  Piros  colonies  in  this  section.  "  With  the  385 
natives,"  writes  Bancroft,  "  that  had  come  with  Otermin  from 
Isleta,  a  few  who  had  accompanied  the  original  refugees  of  1680, 
and  some  who  came  later,  the  padres  proceeded  to  found  three 
new  mission  pueblos  in  the  south.  These  were  Senecu,  Socorro, 
and  Isleta."  l 

The  author  has  seen  a  manuscript  copy  of  a  document,  dated 
May  19,  1692,  in  possession  of  Father  Cordovas,  a  priest  at  Ysleta, 
who  claims  that  the  original,  now  in  Mexico,  is  the  earliest  exist 
ing  record  of  the  church.  The  following  legend  found  on  a 
photograph  by  the  same  priest  refers  to  this  manuscript :  "  This 
document  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain  gives  charge  of  the 
church  of  Corpus  Christi  de  los  Tiguas  en  el  Reino  de  la  Nueba 
Mexico  de  el  Distrito  de  el  Paso  Canton  Bravos,  to  Fray  Joaquin 
Ynojosa.  Years  after,  the  titular  saint  of  the  church  was  changed 
to  St  Anthony,  the  patron  of  the  Indians,  Ysleta  being  then  a 
Tigua  village.  Later  on  a  petition  was  sent  to  the  Bishop  to 
change  the  second  titular  saint ;  this  request  being  granted,  the 
church  was  dedicated  to  Nuestra  Seftora  del  Carmen." 

The  oldest  portion  of  the  present  church  building  is  that  in 
which  the  altar  now  stands,  the  tower  and  facade  being  of  much 
later  construction.  The  open  space  before  the  church  is  sur 
rounded  by  a  low  adobe  wall.  This  enclosure,  in  which  stands  a 
cross,  is  called  the  cemetery,  and  was  formerly  a  burial  place,  as 
its  name  implies,  but  it  is  no  longer  used  for  that  purpose.  Here 
certain  dances  —  survivals  of  pagan  ceremonies  dating  back  in 
the  history  of  the  pueblo  to  a  time  when  it  was  practically  a 

1  "  S.  Ant.  de  Senecu,  of  Piros  and  Tompiros,  2  leagues  below  El  Paso  (or 
Guadalupe) ;  Corpus  Christi  de  Isleta  (Bonilla,  Apuntes,  MS.,  2,  calls  it  S.  Lorenzo 
del  Realito),  of  Tiguas  i^  leagues  east  of  Senecu  ;  and  Nra  del  Socorro,  of  Piros, 
Tanos,  and  Jemes,  on  the  Rio  del  Norte  7  leagues  from  Isleta  and  12  leagues  from 
El  Paso."  (Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  191,  note.)  If  Socorro  was  then  7 
leagues  from  Ysleta,  it  was  not  on  its  present  site,  if  the  distance  given  is  correct. 
"  In  '83,"  according  to  Bancroft  (p.  191),  on  account  of  a  plot  in  Socorro  to  kill  Padre 
Antonio  Guerra,  the  pueblo  was  "  moved  to  a  site  nearer  Isleta,"  evidently  to  its 
present  location. 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  6 1 

Tiwan  village  —  occur  after  mass  on  feast  days  elsewhere  men 
tioned. 

The  site  of  the  old  pueblo  adjoins  this  cemetery,  from  which 
it  is  now  separated  by  a  street.  The  cacique  remembers  that 
formerly  Indian  houses  were  arranged  on  that  site  in  rectangular 
form  about  a  plaza,  each  building  being  a  small  one-story  habita 
tion  made  of  upright  logs  chinked  and  plastered  with  adobe, 
forming  a  type  of  building  called  by  the  Mexicans  jacal.  There 
still  remain  a  few  houses  of  this  kind  in  the  neighboring  hamlet 
of  Socorro  that  are  reputed  to  be  among  the  oldest  in  the  pueblo. 
Piarote,  the  present  cacique  of  Ysleta,  lives  in  an  adobe  house 
standing  not  far  from  what  was  once  a  corner  of  the  former 
pueblo,  and  other  houses  in  the  neighborhood  belong  to  Indians 
who  likewise  have  dwellings  and  tracts  of  land  scattered  in  all 
directions  from  the  church. 

In  late  years  several  Tiwa  families  have  moved  away  from 
Ysleta  to  Las  Cruces,  New  Mexico,  and  other  localities  along  the 
railroad  where  they  find  profitable  employment.  The  governor, 
Mariano,  claims  that  the  town  of  Tulerosa,  near  the  Mescalero 
Apache  reservation,  was  settled  by  Tiwa  families  from  Ysleta, 
but  others  deny  this.  The  Ys'leteflos  formerly  hunted  bison  in 
Pecos  valley,  and  one  of  the  masks  used  at  Christmas  in  the  Baile 
de  Tortuga,  elsewhere  referred  to,  is  made  of  bison  hide.1  They 
were  therefore  well  acquainted  with  the  Mescalero  reservation, 
and  the  springs  there  were  probably  favorite  camping  places. 

Many  of  the  Tiwa  have  served  in  the  army  as  scouts  against 
the  Apache,  and  among  the  names  of  some  twenty  men  recorded 
by  the  writer  several  have  discharge  papers  setting  forth  the 
value  of  their  services  ;  others  were  killed  while  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States.  None  of  the  former  receives  a  pension  or 
rations.  They  have  no  resident  agent  or  missionary,  and, 
although  poor,  they  are  industrious,  self-respecting,  law-abiding 
citizens. 

1  This  mask  was  obtained  by  the  author. 


62  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

In  addition  to  the  Tiwa  living  at  Ysleta,  there  are  one  or  two 
families  in  a  neighboring  hamlet  called  "Zaragosa,  across  the  river 
in  Mexico.  About  twenty-five  persons,  whose  names  are  ap 
pended,  can  conduct  a  conversation  in  the  Tiwa  language,  and 
there  are  as  many  more  who  understand  the  idiom  but  cannot 
converse  in  it. 

Men:  Jose  Tolino  Piarote,  Tomal  Graneo,  Tebucio  Olgin, 
Jose  Maria  Montoya,  Ponciano  Olgin,  Patricio  Perea,  Manuel 
Ortega,  Sebastiano  Duran,  Alvino  Aquiar,  Cristobal  Aquiar,  Pas. 
qual  Piarote,  Maleno  Marque's,  Robel  Trujillo,  Reyes  Trujillo, 
Crecencio  Marque's. 

Women:  Cornelia  Colminero,  Andrea  Piarote,  Estefana  Mon 
toya,  Valentina  Ortega,  Augustina  Olgin,  Patricia  Montoya, 
Nestora  Piarote,  Dolores  Graneo,  Andrea  Marques,  Juana  Duran, 
Juana  Graneo. 

SOCIAL    ORGANIZATION 

The  Tiwa  of  Ysleta  still  retain  a  survival  of  their  tribal  organ 
ization,  which  is  set  forth  in  two  documents  drawn  up  before  a 
notary,  Dr  Wahl,  a  few  years  ago.  These  documents,  formally 
signed  and  sealed,  are  written  in  Spanish.  The  author  obtained 
a  copy,  a  free  translation  of  which  follows : 

Pueblo  of  San  Antonio  de  Ysleta,  Texas,  January  6,  1895. 

"  We,  the  undersigned,  comprising  natives,  have  assembled  for  the 
purpose  of  making  the  following  regulations,  and  complying  with  those 
duties  which  our  ancestors  observed  and  which  we  wish  to  transmit  to 
our  children. 

"  We  solemnly  bind  ourselves,  in  the  first  place,  to  celebrate  in  the 
best  manner  we  are  able,  the  festival  of  our  patron,  Saint  Anthony. 

"  In  the  second  place,  we  bind  ourselves  to  respect  the  native  au 
thorities  which  we  ourselves  nominate  and  elect,  and  also  to  submit  to 
such  punishment  as  the  same  native  authorities  may  impose,  without 
complaint  or  appeal  to  any  other  authority  regarding  matters,  personal 
jor  domestic,  pertaining  to  us,  without  prejudice  to  the  general  laws  of 
the  remaining  citizens. 

"  In  the  third  place,  we  decree  that  every  failure  to  respect  our  na 
tive  authorities  shall  be  punished,  for  the  first  offense,  with  twenty 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  63 

hours'  arrest ;  leaving  the  punishment,  however,  to  the  prudence  of 
the  same  native  authorities,  should  the  same  person  repeat  his  offense. 
That  this  regulation  may  have  force  and  authority,  all  desirous  of  doing 
so  have  freely  affixed  their  signatures." 

This  first  document  closes  with  the  signatures  of  the  Indians, 
all  in  the  same  handwriting,  and  the  notary's  acknowledgment  of 
the  transaction.  The  second  document,  signed  and  sealed  before 
the  same  notary,  enumerates  the  duties  of  the  officers.  Freely 
translated  it  is  as  follows : 

Duties  of  the  Cacique. 

"  First  Duty  :  Every  year,  on  New  Year's  eve,  the  Cacique  Major 
shall  assemble  all  his  people  and  advise  the  meeting  to  nominate  native 
authorities  to  hold  power  for  the  forthcoming  year.  The  same  Cacique 
Major  shall  give  the  badges  of  office  in  the  following  order  :  To  the 
Governor,  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  to  the  Alguacil,  to  the  Capitan 
Major,  to  the  four  subordinate  Capitans.  Indeed  all  these  officials  are 
subject  to  the  Cacique,  as  likewise  all  sons  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Anto 
nio,  according  to  the  laws  and  conditions  of  the  tribe.  This  dependence 
extends  to  the  Cacique  Major  to  look  after  his  life  and  the  maintenance 
of  his  family. 

Duties  of  the  Lieutenant-Cacique. 

"The  Lieutenant-Cacique  shall  exercise  the  same  functions  and  act 
with  the  same  powers  as  those  above  stipulated  in  case  he  occupy  the 
position  of  the  Cacique  Major. 

Duties  of  the  Governor. 

"This  officer,  with  the  badge  of  his  office  in  his  hand  as  a  symbol 
of  administering  justice,  represents  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  minor 
matters,  such  as  civil  offenses  ;  he  shall  punish  lack  of  respect  to  the 
sons  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Antonio,  and  shall  give  permission  for  cus 
tomary  dances  which  are  lawfully  permitted  to  the  sons  of  the  tribe. 

In  addition,  the  Governor  is  requested  to  see  that  fathers  of  families 
comply  with  the  sacred  duty  of  teaching  the  Christian  doctrine  to  their 
sons,  and  of  celebrating  annually  the  festival  of  our  patron,  San  Anto 
nio.  Lastly,  the  Governor  shall  see  to  it  that  the  sons  of  the  tribe  per 
form,  in  such  manner  as  may  be  possible,  the  marriages  and  funerals  of 
the  natives. 

"  In  conformity  with  the  third  clause  the  Governor  has  not  authority 
to  impose  punishment  exceeding  three  days  in  prison." 


64  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

Lieutenant-  Governor. 

"The  Lieutenant- Governor  is  clothed  with  the  same  power  as  the 
Governor  when  the  duties  of  the  Governor  devolve  on  him." 

Duties  of  the  Capitan  Major  and  the'  Subordinate  Capitans. 

"  To  direct  the  dances  in  the  public  plaza  and  to  preserve  order 
during  the  dance  ;  also  to  well  regulate  everything  pertaining  to  hunts 
of  deer,  rabbits,  and  hares,  but  always  after  consultation  with,  and  noti 
fication  of  such  diversions  to,  the  Cacique  Major,  who  shall  never  permit 
them  on  Sunday  or  on  those  days  when  they  are  obliged  to  hear  the 
holy  mass  as  in  the  Christian  faith  universal. 

"  Regarding  the  dances,  it  is  recognized  that  they  are  permitted  on 
the  following  days  only  :  Christmas,  St  Anthony's,  St  John's,  St  Peter's, 
St  James',  St  Ann's,  and  St  Andrew's  (if  the  day  does  not  fall  at  the 
time  of  the  hunt). 

"  Lastly,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Capitan  Major,  aided  by  his  subordi 
nates,  to  remove  from  the  pueblo  of  San  Antonio  every  kind  of  witch 
craft  and  belief  contrary  to  our  Holy  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman 
religion.  No  son  of  the  Pueblo  of  San  Antonio  is  obliged  to  accept, 
for  example,  if  so  commanded,  any  sorcery  or  false  belief.  It  is  the 
duty  of  all  who  follow  the  regulations  of  the  sons  of  the  Pueblo  of  San 
Antonio  to  sign  this  enactment.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who  do  not 
wish  to  sign  it,  by  the  same  wish  do  not  regard  themselves  as  sons  of 
San  Antonio." 

This  second  document  is  signed  by  the  same  persons  as  the 
former,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  constitution  of  the  Tiwa  of 
Ysleta.  It  embodies  certain  aboriginal  customs,  but  it  is  practi 
cally  of  modern  character  and  origin. 

The  present  Indian  officers  of  Ysleta  are  as  follows  : 

Title  Native  Title  Spanish  Name 

Cacique,  Aikamede,  Jose"  Tolino  Piarote. 

Governor,  Tuwatabode,  Mariano  Manero. 

Lieutenant- Governor,  Felipe  Cruz, 

War  Captain,  Wilawekamede.          Tomal  Graneo, 

Subordinate  Captains :  Bias  Cominero, 

Bias  Graneo, 
Cristobal  Aquiar, 
Aniseto  Graneo. 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  65 

INSIGNIA   OF   OFFICE 

Each  of  the  chief  officials  above  mentioned  has  a  baton,  or 
staff  of  office,  known  as  a  kikawee?  which  is  held  in  such  high 
esteem  that  the  cacique  spoke  of  his  as  "  mother,"  which  reminds 
one  of  the  reverence  paid  by  the  Hopi  to  their  so-called  tiponi. 
The  author  has  examined  the  staffs  of  the  cacique,  governor,  and 
lieutenant-governor,  finding  them  to  be  similar  ;  and  he  has  been 
told  that  those  of  the  remaining  officers  have  the  same  general 
form.  They  are  all  said  to  be  old,  and  to  have  been  in  possession 
of  the  tribe  from  the  time  the  pueblo  was  settled  ;  but  such  asser 
tion  is  hardly  borne  out  by  close  examination. 

The  cacique's  staff  of  office  consists  of  a  baton  the  length  of 
the  forearm  and  diameter  of  an  ordinary  walking-cane.  It  is 
made  of  black  wood,  and  is  provided  with  a  silver  head  and  two 
metal  tips,  one  inside  the  other.  There  is  a  silver  cross  set  in  the 
head,  and  midway  of  its  length  is  a  hole  in  which  a  thong  is  tied 
by  which  it  may  be  extended.  The  governor's  baton  is  like  that 
of  the  cacique,  except  that  it  is  made  of  chestnut-colored  wood. 
The  lieutenant-governor's  baton  is  black :  it  was  broken  but  has 
been  mended  with  sinew.  These  badges,  as  referred  to  in  the 
documents  setting  forth  the  duties  of  the  officers,  are  insignia  of 
rank  and  are  used  as  symbols  in  elections,  dances,  and  races. 

DANCES 

The  most  interesting  survivals  of  the  old  pagan  ceremonies  of 
the  Tiwa  of  Ysleta  are  the  dances  which  are  performed  in  front 
of  the  church  at  the  celebration  of  the  festival  of  their  patron, 
St  Anthony,  at  Christmas,  and  on  the  days  of  St  John,  St 
Andrew,  St  Peter,  and  St  James,  as  mentioned  in  the  document 
above  given.  These  dances  differ  but  little  from  the  secular 
dances,  or  bailes,  which  occur  in  winter  and  at  other  times. 


1  The  church  is  called  kikawee-missatu,  signifying  "  house  containing  sacred  ob 
jects  of  the  mass,"  a  compound  of  Tiwa  and  Spanish  in  which  appears  the  name  of  the 
chieftain's  staff. 

AM.  ANTH.  N.  S.,  4—5 


66  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

Shidfiird,  the  Rattle  Dance ' 

This  dance,  which  occurs  after  mass  in  the  festival  of  the 
patron  saint,  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  their  ceremonies. 
It  consists  of  two  parts2 — the  first  with  two  male  and  two  female 
participants,  the  other  with  many  men  who  carry  rattles  from 
which  it  takes  its  Tiwa  name. 

These  dances  are  first  performed  in  the  old  cemetery  before 
the  church,  after  which  the  dancers  visit  in  turn  the  houses  of  the 
majordomo,  Manuel  Otero,  George  Piarote,  and  Patricio  Perea. 
It  closes  with  a  feast  at  the  house  of  the  majordomo,  after  which 
all  return  to  the  church. 

Newafiird,  the  Mask  Dance3 

The  dance  in  which  two  men  are  masked  is  celebrated  on 
Christmas  afternoon  and  is  sometimes  called  Baile  de  Tortuga 
from  the  turtle-shell  rattle  employed.  A  drum  is  used  in  this 
dance,  and  the  men  carry  gourd-rattles  in  their  hands.  The  dance 
is  first  performed  before  the  church,  and  then  in  the  houses  of  the 
cacique,  governor,  lieutenant-governor,  sheriff  (capitan  de  guerrd), 
and  other  officers,  on  the  three  following  days.  It  is  danced  on 
the  fourth  day  by  children,  who  imitate  their  elders.4  The  two 
participants  wear  masks,  and  one  of  them  represents  a  male,  the 
other  a  female  personage.  The  mask  of  the  latter  is  made  of 
buffalo-skin  and  is  painted  red  and  yellow.  These  men  are 
called  abuelos  (Spanish,  "  grandfathers,"  "  ancestors  "),  and  they 
function  as  clowns,  frightening  little  children.  A  little  girl,  to 
whom  the  author  showed  the  mask,  called  it  a  coco,  a  Spanish 
term  for  "  bogy." 

Poafiird,  the  Red  Pigment  Dance  5 

This  dance,  which  occurs  on  the  festival  of  St  John,  was  thus 
described  to  the  author  by  the  cacique :  Twelve  women,  forming 

1  Skid,  "  rattle."  8  The  former  called  Shoposane  ;  the  latter,  Shidfurd. 

3  Newa-de,  "  mask." 

4  The  Hopi  children  also  have  a  masked  dance  in  imitation  of  their  elders. 
8  Poaputd,  red  pigment. 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  67 

two  lines,  stand  facing  each  other,  and  between  them  passes  another, 
singing  "  Ha-wi-na-a-e  !  "  In  this  festival,  food  and  other  stuffs 
are  thrown  to  the  spectators.  One  of  the  women  wears  two 
feathers  in  her  hair.  The  dance  lasts  one  day  and  is  called  the 
Baile  de  la  Flecha,  The  same  song,  "  Ha-wi-na-a-e"  '  is  sung  in 
the  Hopi  harvest  festival,  when  food  and  other  objects  are  also 
thrown  to  spectators. 

Kufiira,  the  Scalp  Dance 

In  this  old  war  dance,  which  is  no  longer  celebrated,  both  men 
and  women  formed  a  ring  around  one  of  their  number — a  women 
who  held  aloft  a  scalp  tied  to  a  stick.  A  warrior  danced  beside 
her,  and  at  the  close  of  the  dance  ran  to  the  river  and  plunged  his 
head  under  the  water  four  times. 

Furd-shuite 

This  dance  occurs  during  the  time  of  the  carnival,  and  in  it 
the  participants  are  divided  into  two  parties,  each  having  a  drum. 
It  takes  place  in  the  houses  of  the  cacique  and  other  Indians. 

Nakupura,  the  House  Dance  * 

While  the  author  was  at  Ysleta,  several  secular  dances  were 
performed  by  the  Indians  in  one  or  another  of  their  houses. 
These  dances  were  characteristically  aboriginal  and  closely  re 
sembled  those  celebrated  on  festival  days  before  the  church. 
Permission  for  them  is  obtained  from  the  governor,  who,  in  fact, 
gave  one  of  those  witnessed  by  the  author  in  his  own  house. 
The  dance  began  about  9  oclock,  but  for  some  time  before  that 
hour  a  young  man  sat  at  the  entrance  to  the  house,  violently 
beating  a  drum  made  of  an  earthen  jar,  and  singing  a  song  with 
monosyllabic  words.  Later  this  youth  went  inside,  where  he 
was  joined  by  other  singers,  forming  a  chorus.  Several  of  his 
companions  clapped  their  hands  in  time  with  the  songs,  as  in 
certain  characteristic  Spanish  dances. 

1  The  Hopi,  who  call  this  harvest  festival  ffowinakwi,  undoubtedly  derived  it,  as 
did  the  Zufii  (who  call  it  Owinahe)  from  Rio  Grande  colonists.  *  Naku,  house. 


68  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4, 

There  were  two  distinct  figures,  or  rather  two  kinds  of  dances,, 
practically  differing  in  the  number  of  participants.  In  the  first 
kind,  two  persons,  a  man  and  a  woman,  took  positions  facing: 
each  other  on  opposite  sides  of  the  room.  These  began  the 
dance  by  beating  time  with  their  feet,  at  the  same  time  almost 
imperceptibly  swaying  their  bodies  to  the  beat  of  the  drum.  As 
the  drumming  continued  the  two  dancers  approached  each  other,, 
and  the  man  put  first  one  hand,  then  the  other,  on  the  woman's 
shoulder,  at  the  same  time  dancing  with  a  sort  of  shuffle,  like 
that  of  the  Bison  dance  at  Hano.  Spectators  and  those  not 
taking  part  in  this  dance  were  seated  about  the  room. 

Several  men  and  as  many  women  participated  in  the  second 
figure  of  the  dance.  Two  lines,  one  of  men,  the  other  of  women,, 
faced  each  other  and  opened  the  dance  with  slight  movements  of 
their  bodies.  Both  lines  then  turned,  faced  the  drummer,  and 
marched  around  the  room  to  the  opposite  side,  as  in  the  well- 
known  "Virginia  reel."  The  step,  song,  and  drum  accompani 
ment  recall  the  solemn  religious  Katcina  dance  of  the  Pueblos,, 
but,  unlike  them,  is  secular  and  accompanied  with  merriment. 

FOOT-RACE  {Kivekwewehirn) 

The  Ysletefios  have  a  foot-race  strictly  comparable  with  that 
of  their  northern  kindred.  It  occurs  at  midday,  on  Palm  Sunday,, 
and  in  it  the  contestants  divide  into  two  groups  of  about  half  a 
dozen  men  each,  distinguished  by  facial  painting.  The  course  is 
from  the  house  of  the  cacique,  past  the  church,  and  along  the 
main  street.  The  cacique  stands  at  the  place  of  starting,  holding: 
a  bow  and  arrow,  and  calls  out  three  times.  First  he  shouts, 
"  We-va  !  "  when  all  get  ready ;  the  second  signal  is  "  We-cho  !  " 
when  he  draws  the  bow  fitted  with  an  arrow;  the  third  signal 
is  "  Pa-cho-win  !  "  when  he  shoots  the  arrow  in  the  direction  of 
the  course,  and  the  runners  start.1 

1  The  words  used  by  the  cacique  are  apparently  those  for  "  one,  two,  three,"  re 
spectively.  The  numerals  and  the  method  of  formation  of  the  larger  numbers  may  be 
seen  by  a  study  of  the  following:  One,  wima  ;  two,  wisi ;  three,  pacha-win  ;  four, 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  69 

In  awarding  the  prizes,  the  cacique  receives  the  first  prize 
and  the  winners  the  second  ;  but  other  participants  are  also  re 
warded.  The  object  of  the  race,  they  say,  is  for  rain,  and  the 
shooting  of  the  arrow  a  symbolic  act  to  aid  the  runners  as  well  as 
to  indicate  the  course. 

RABBIT-HUNT    (Sktaito) 

Both  the  Tiwa  of  Ysleta  and  the  Piros  at  Senecu  still  have 
rabbit-hunts  in  which  aboriginal  elements  survive.  The  war-chief 
is  leader  of  the  hunts,  but  permission  for  them  is  always  asked  of 
the  cacique  or  the  governor.  The  hunters  having  assembled  in 
the  field,  a  fire  is  first  built  and  a  section  of  country  surrounded 
by  the  huntsmen.  The  men,  forming  a  ring,  close  in,  shouting 
"  Hotcha-pe-we-a-newa  !  "  at  the  same  time  killing  the  rabbits  with 
sticks  and  other  weapons. 

When  the  hunters  return  home  with  their  rabbits,  the  women 
rush  out  to  meet  them  and  to  seize  the  game.  If,  as  sometimes 
happens,  two  women  grasp  the  same  rabbit,  the  war-chief  divides 
it  between  them.  In  old  times,  they  say,  the  dead  rabbit  was 
sprinkled  with  sacred  meal  (tliika),  which,  however,  is  not  now 
made  or  used  in  Ysleta. 

LANGUAGE    OF    THE   YSLETESfOS 

Ysleta  affords  a  good  opportunity  for  the  collection  of 
material  for  a  knowledge  of  the  Tiwa  idiom  ;  but  such  work 
must  be  done  at  once,  as  a  speaking  knowledge  of  this  variant,  if 
such  it  be,  of  the  Tiwa,  will  probably  not  survive  the  present 
generation.  No  Ysleta  child  can  at  present  speak  the  language, 
and  those  adults  who  can  converse  in  it  are  old  men  and  women. 
It  is  imperative  that  philological  studies  among  these  people  be 
made  at  once,  for  it  will  soon  be  too  late.  fiflntrc-t  Library 

The  special  interest  attached  to  a  study  of  the  Ysleta  Tiwa  is, 
of  course,  for  comparison  with  the  Tiwa  of  the  pueblos  of  Sandia 

iviran;  five,  pantoiva  ;  six,  matle  ;  seven,  weede ;  eight,  whang;  nine,  tetehem  ;  ten, 
te  ;  eleven,  tewin  ;  twelve,  tewisi ;  twenty,  wete  ;  twenty-five,  -wete-pantowa  ;  thirty, 
pacho-ate ;  forty,  wiante  ;  fifty,  pantoate  ;  one-hundred,  shute. 


7O  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

and  Isleta  in  New  Mexico.  It  has  been  known  that  the  idiom  of  the 
pueblos  of  Taos  and  Picuris  hasTiwan  affinities,  but  the  Ysletefios 
say  that  it  is  very  different  from  their  language.  Several  years  ago 
an  old  man  went  from  Taos  to  Ysleta  to  live,  but  he  later  settled 
in  Senecu,  where  he  died  recently.  His  speech  was  incompre 
hensible,  his  native  tongue  differing  greatly  from  that  spoken  at 
Ysleta.  Some  of  the  southern  Tiwa  have  visited  Isleta,  New 
Mexico,  and  claim,  as  one  would  expect,  that  the  language  of 
the  two  pueblos  is  practically  identical,  differing  only  in  minor 
details.  During  his  visit  to  Ysleta,  the  author  recorded  a  con 
siderable  Tiwa  vocabulary,  which  he  hopes  later  to  compare  with 
the  northern  Tiwa.  These  words  were  obtained  during  several 
councils  with  the  chiefs,  which  generally  lasted  late  into  the 
afternoon,  when  the  angelus  sounded  from  the  bell-tower  of  the 
neighboring  church.  At  the  close  of  these  councils,  the  cacique, 
Piarote,  repeated  a  long  Tiwa  formula,  or  prayer,  with  which 
other  Indians  were  familiar.  It  would  be  interesting  for  one  who 
seriously  takes  up  the  linguistics  of  the  Ysleteftos  to  transcribe  this 
prayer  as  a  specimen  of  their  language.  All  these  Indians 
at  present  speak  "  Spanish,"  but  when  together  the  old  men  con 
verse  in  their  native  language.  The  more  aged,  in  fact  a  major 
ity  of  the  adults,  can  neither  speak  English  nor  write  their  own 
names. 

There  still  remain  in  Ysleta  survivals  of  the  former  clan  sys 
tem  of  the  Tiwa,  in  which  the  descent  was  matriarchal.  All  have 
Spanish  baptismal  names,  and  a  few  have  Tiwa  names.  They 
assert  that  when  the  latter  were  given  them,  an  aboriginal  rite  in 
which  water  was  used  was  performed.  The  Tiwa  name  of  Piarote, 
the  cacique,  is  Shiu-tusan  (Eagle-tusan) ;  the  governor,  Mariano, 
Yekap-tusan  (Corntassel  -  tusan).  Another  man  is  called  Yen- 
tusan  (Mountain  -  tusan) ;  and  still  another,  Thiiwirpo-tusan 
None  of  the  children  now  have  Tiwa  names. 


1  The  root  thur,  meaning  sun,  occurs  in  thiisaina,  sunrise  ;  tathuakin,  sunset. 
Apparently  the  idiom  of  Ysleta  differs  somewhat  from  that  of  their  kindred  in  Isleta 


FEWKES]       PUEBLO  SETFGEtyEWfs  ftlZAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  J\ 


The  YsUu.Tivta  ha.ve.sey*ual  very  suggestive  folktales,  to 

•  •••          ••••••  •     •»   »•    Pv   •     • 

which  the  aJutfto£  fian  bftltf'rffcfior  at*,  tfiis  *«t5r«e-  •  He  listened  to 

•  ••    •  •  •  *    •'•    »•••       ••    •    •<     • 

several,  but  it  was  said  that  there  were  many  more,  all  of 
which  are  well  worth  collecting.  They  retain  traditions  of  the 
Shipapu  or  Shlpapunai,  the  ancestral  opening  in  the  earth  out  of 
which  the  races  of  men  originally  emerged,  and  they  declare  it 
to  be  a  lake  in  the  far  north. 

So  far  as  their  clothing  is  concerned,  it  is  impossible  to  dis 
tinguish  the  men  and  women  of  Ysleta  from  their  Mexican 
neighbors  ;  even  the  want  of  a  beard  not  being  always  a  dis 
tinguishing  trait  among  the  men.  One  man  was  seen  with  long 
hair,  but  it  was  not  tied  in  the  usual  Pueblo  fashion.  Several 
wore  moccasins,  and  one  a  leather  wrist-guard. 

The  houses  are  not  characteristic,  and  exteriorly  there  is 
nothing  in  the  present  appearance  of  the  village  to  lead  one  to 
suspect  that  it  was  once  a  purely  Indian  pueblo  or  that  at  present 
any  people  of  Indian  blood  inhabited  it. 

One  or  two  old  Pueblo  customs  are  still  kept  up  by  the 
Ysleta  Tiwa.  They  know  how  to  use  the  fire-drill  and  the  fire- 
stick  (fiikurisla),  and  how  to  kindle  fire  with  them,  although 
they  generally  use  flint-and-steel  or  matches.  Of  their  weapons 
several  bows  and  arrows  were  shown  the  author,  and  he  has  also 
seen  rabbit-sticks,  a  lance,  and  a  drum  of  aboriginal  manufacture. 
One  or  two  women  know  how  to  make  paper-bread,  which  they 
call  pahnshave?  and  to  color  it  into  various  tints.  They  at  times 
grind  corn  (ae)  on  metates  which  have  an  ancient  appearance, 
and  one  of  the  old  women  said  that  this  custom  was  common  in 
her  childhood.  She  added  that  while  the  women  were  thus  at 
work  over  a  mealing-stone  the  men  sang,  beating  a  drum  or 
folded  sheep-skin.  A  diligent  search  for  aboriginal  pottery  in 
Ysleta  was  not  successful  ;  a  few  old  pieces  were  found,  but  they 

and  Sandia,  as  would  be  expected  from  the  two  centuries  of  separation.  If  the  ter 
mination  lusan  means  people,  or  clan,  its  phonetic  relation  to  "  Tusayan  "  is  highly 
significant. 

1  Apparently  related  to  the  Spanish  pan. 


[N.  s.,  4,  1902 


were  very  rude  and  probably  Mexican.;  nevertheless,  .ajl  said  that 

»»»»»«        •  .    •    , 

in  former  times  the  T-iwa  'women  We5>e**«eooo>  6ottetfe  and  made 

«.~-l          .«<=%»«•     ~t  •  • 

black  ware  like  that  of  the  Santa  Clara  Indians. 

THE  PIROS  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO 

The  survivors  of  the  Piros  live  in  the  hamlets  of  Socorro  and 
Senecu,  the  former  situated  in  Texas,  about  three  miles  below 
Ysleta,  and  the  latter  on  the  opposite  or  right  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  about  six  miles  from  Juarez,  in  Mexico.  The  settle 
ment  at  Socorro  '  is  small,  and  while  there  are  at  present  only  a 
few  families  that  claim  to  be  of  Indian  blood,  none  of  them  speak 
the  Piros  idiom.  They  have  no  tribal  organization,  and  the  town 
is  thoroughly  Mexicanized. 

It  is  commonly  said  in  Ysleta  that  the  Indians  of  Socorro  are 
descended  from  Piros  and  other  tribes,  and  that  their  ancestors 
spoke  differently  from  the  Tiwa,  —  in  fact  more  like  the  Senecu 
people.  Piarote,  the  Ysleta  cacique,  states  that  in  his  youth  the 
irrigation  ditch  of  Socorro  was  called  "  acequia  de  los  Piros,"  im 
plying  that  Piros  Indians  were  settled  in  this  pueblo  in  old  times. 
The  fact  that  the  native  language  has  vanished,  and  that  Jemez 
and  Tanos  Indians  were  among  those  colonized  there,  partially 
explains  the  total  disappearance  of  their  language.  The  author 
visited  one  or  two  old  men  who  claimed  to  be  pure  Indians,  but 
they  could  utter  not  a  word  of  Piros,  and  one  of  them  apologeti 
cally  said  that  even  his  father  was  totally  ignorant  of  any  language 
but  Spanish.2 

SENECtJ 

The  pueblo  of  Senecu,3  in  which  the  Piros  who  once  lived  in 
New  Mexico  were  colonized  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen 
tury,  is  situated  in  Chihuahua,  about  six  miles  from  Juarez,  on 

1  The  Ysletefios  speak  of  Socorro  in  New  Mexico  as  Socorrito,  "  Little  Socorro." 
3  Later  information  reached   the  author  that  there  is  an  old  man  living   near 

Socorro  who  speaks  the  Piros  dialect. 

3  The  word  Senecti  is  of  Piros  origin,  and  was  formerly  applied  to  a  New  Mexican 

pueblo  where  San  Antonio  now  stands. 


FEWKESJ       PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  73 

the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  It  consists  of  a  small  cluster 
of  adobe  houses,  in  the  midst  of  which  rises  an  old  church  con 
taining  many  ancient  santos,  a  few  old  paintings,  and  interesting 
altar  paraphernalia. 

The  majority  of  the  Piros  live  in  or  near  Senecu.  They  pos 
sess  a  tribal  organization,  with  a  cacique  (who  is  also  custodian  of 
the  church),  a  governor,  a  war-chief,  and  subordinate  officials 
identical  with  those  of  Ysleta. 

The  following  names  of  Piros  Indians  were  obtained  at  Senecu  : 
Augustin  Allegro  (cacique),  Pablo  Allegro  (governor),  Victoriano 
Pedraza  (War-chief),  Casimera  Pedraza,  Valentin  Gonzales,  Jose 
Maria  Podraqua,  Vicente  Paiz,  Caspio  Paiz,  Dolores  Allejo,  Juan 

Delgado,  Nicasio  Alban,  Tomas  Ortiz,  Ortiz,  Toredo 

Podraqua.  In  addition  to  these  there  are  many  women  whose 
names  were  not  recorded,  making  in  Senecu  fully  fifty  persons 
twho  may  be  called  Piros  Indians. 

The  Senecu  Piros  perform  dances  in  the  open  space  before 
the  church  building,  and  are  accompanied  by  a  drum  and  rattles. 
They  are  practically  secularized  pagan  dances  which  have  lost  all 
their  aboriginal  significance.  These  occur  after  mass  on  the  festi 
val  of  their  patron,  St  Anthony,  at  Christmas,  and  on  the  festivals 
of  St  John,  St  Peter,  St  Ann,  and  others. 

The  old  drum  used  in  these  processions  and  dances  is  still 
preserved  in  one  of  the  houses  not  far  from  the  church.  It  con 
sists  of  a  hollow  log  with  a  piece  of  rawhide  stretched  over  each 
end,  closely  resembling  those  used  for  the  same  purpose  by  the 
Pueblos  higher  up  the  Rio  Grande.  The  drum  employed  in  their 
secular  dances,  of  which  they  have  many,  consists  of  a  jar  with 
skin  stretched  over  the  top. 

The  author  saw  in  the  village  several  hand  rattles  and  one  or 
two  bows  and  arrows.  It  was  not  learned  whether  masks  were 
worn  in  their  dances,  inquiry  sufficient  to  decide  that  point  not 
being  pursued.  The  Senecu  Indians  have  rabbit-hunts  and  foot 
races  similar  to  those  of  other  Pueblos. 


74  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  4,  1902 

The  Piros  language,  as  a  means  of  conversation,  has  practi 
cally  disappeared,  as  no  one  at  Senecu  or  Socorro  now  converses 
in  it ;  but  there  are  still  remembered  many  words  which,  if 
recorded,  would  form  a  larger  vocabulary  than  any  known  to 
exist.1  There  may  be  other  Piros,  living  in  other  pueblos,  who 
know  more  of  the  language  than  do  the  Senecu  people.  The 
governor  of  Senecu  claims  that  there  are  Piros  living  at  a  place 
in  Mexico  called  Ajotitlan,  but  the  author  does  not  know  the 
situation  of  the  settlement. 

The  writer  visited  the  church  of  San  Lorenzo,  about  two 
miles  from  Senecu,  but  was  not  successful  in  finding  ethnological 
traces  of  the  Sumas.  The  present  church  building  is  a  new  one, 
the  fourth  of  its  name,  the  others,  at  least  the  last,  the  Ysleteflos 
declare,  having  been  destroyed  by  freshets. 

An  instructive  survival  of  Indian  customs  at  San  Lorenzo  is  a 
dance  which  occurs  before  the  church,  when  a  masked  personage, 
called  Malinche,  appears.  Malinche  is  a  common  modern  name 
of  a  masked  dancer,  occurring  throughout  the  Nahua  region  of 
Mexico,  and  its  existence  at  San  Lorenzo,  as  well  as  in  some  of 
the  New  Mexican  pueblos,  is  significant.  About  the  middle 
of  November  fires  were  kindled  at  night  on  the  hills  near  El  Paso 
and  Juarez.  The  explanation  given  the  author  was  that  these 
fires  were  to  guide  Moctezuma,  a  Messiah,  who,  folklore  has  it, 
will  come  down  the  Rio  Grande  and  cross  the  river  at  this  point. 

It  is  suspected  that  there  may  still  be  traces  of  Suma  blood, 
and  perhaps  survivals  of  their  customs,  at  Samalayuca,  in  Chihua 
hua,  where  these  Indians  were  early  colonized,  but  he  was  not 
able  to  visit  that  place.  No  studies  were  made  of  the  survivors 
of  the  Mansos  near  Juarez. 

The  treatment  adopted  in  the  preceding  pages  is  intended  to 
be  ethnological  rather  than  historical.  Fortunately  these  pueblos 

1  The  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  has  a  small  vocabulary  of  Piros  words 
recorded  by  John  Russell  Bartlett. 


FEWKES]      PUEBLO  SETTLEMENTS  NEAR  EL  PASO,  TEXAS  75 

have  been  studied  from  both  these  aspects  by  Bandelier '  to 
whose  valuable  researches  the  writer  refers  with  great  respect. 
As  there  still  remain  many  important  data  to  be  gathered  re 
garding  both  the  history  and  the  ethnology  of  the  El  Paso 
pueblos,  the  author  hopes  that  in  these  pages  he  has  done  some 
thing  to  attract  attention  to  the  immediate  necessity  of  additional 
studies  in  this  locality. 

1  Final  Report ;  Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  Amer.  ser. ,  ill. 


tTbc  ftnfcftcrbocfter  press,  Hew 


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